Shkelzen maliqi biography channel

I considered art too, but there was a more specific preparation for art, so I thought philosophy is a little wider, and I started reading a lot then, and topic that I had, the topic of graduation, it was Kafka and Camus, it was about existentialism. Kafka is mostly a writer, but Camus has those philosophical books, The Myth of SisyphusI read all of them.

And I wrote, those, when I wrote the essays that we used to do in Serbian, my philosophy teacher would read in the whole school here in Pristina, for example, and they also sent me to those competitions, you know? The city competition.

Shkelzen maliqi biography channel

So I was known for being a good writer. I read those, literature, poetry, essays. I was very interested in Buddhism and Zen Buddhism back then, and the philosophy of life, how a person builds themselves as a creation, you know, and Satri and these, I found that man is a project, you know, back then in those times, you also have these kinds of pessimistic thoughts and like this.

I have stayed, I was in the third, fourth grade, every weekend, I would go Prizren, I have had the best friendship there, we would play football or something else. Kaltrina Krasniqi: What kind of movies would there be? But I would also watch those which were prohibited for youngsters laughs. There was this famous movie Alan Moreau, he would show up naked and this kind of stuff.

Then, I have watched movies in Pristina. Kaltrina Krasniqi: At which cinemas would you watch movies in Pristina? Here in the center because there would come more artistic movies. Back then, when I was in Pristina, third or fourth year, I would watch artistic French, Czech movies and so on. I would miss school and I watched them not to miss them.

But, this way, good. I would keep up with movies and the writings about the movies and the Yugoslav movies, some of which I liked and so on. Then, when they were being shot in Prizren, as kids back then, we would go after the cast and stuff, and so on. Where, you know, the police, the secret services applied repression and had around murders as suspected deaths or murders that the police had committed [but] that had [other] men investigated.

That year I signed up in Belgrade, during the summer, I went and signed up, but it was some kind of period when my family members would be scared because they, that they have worked here in the Secret Services in Kosovo, the Serbians that they have kicked out of their jobs, they sheltered them there in Belgrade. Even my father was scared of fascism, but he had given me those, some documents to read before I left for Belgrade to see that report that they made.

And then they started to change the course, about, towards Kosovo in Yugoslavia, towards Tito and, on the other hand, had started to put here those changes, simply, I had some…. Once I got lost here, one day I went for a visit to a Russian family, they had… Russians that have left Russia, there after the revolutions, thereafter, some thousands people were sheltered in Yugoslavia.

One of their families had been in Prizren, and I knew them from Prizren. Sometimes I would go to visit them because in years… they really called me one day. A daughter of theirs had committed suicide, that family had only that daughter, she committed suicide, what do I know, an affair was going on. So perhaps that was the reason they called me, but I would go there anyway sometimes.

And those poor villagers were the one who mostly suffered, they did everything, it is known more or less. Regarding the other grandmother, she used to live with my uncle because he was the big brother. He also went there, to Turkey. Even these friends that I have had on the road and so, during the year, they would go two, three, four, five, but, what do I know.

I was more interested in knowing the regime and Stalinism myself, especially about that I have read a lot of books, because my father had his own library, because when he studied he was in Belgrade, he bought some interesting books. And another topic that would open regarding this was Albania. Albania, where I had, there a hero communist uncle, he died during the war and so, but which in the family circle, especially at my uncle, my cousin with whom we were the same age, a little younger than me, was Valbon.

Valbon Stavileci, we have often discussed it with him that, he was one of the founders of one of those youngsters groups in the Communist Party of Albania when it was founded. This group was against Enver Hoxha being a president, then in a way or another, he took revenge and so. So my preparation was until years old, very open to the world, and I had relatively little, to say, respect or affinity for the local values or… not only in the context of Kosovo, but even in Yugoslavia, I read little from Yugoslav authors.

But he had interesting and good literature and so on. But I mainly read the world literature that was wholesale translated back then and those which are like modern and avant-garde by Joyce and…. They… there was some sort of selective canal and in the following of world thinking, because even those opened magazines and they mainly had the emphasis of… or followed more leftist literature or the critical Marxism and so, but nevertheless, it was completely different dogmatic Marxism or… in fact, in the Yugoslav system itself, there were oases where this kind of dogmatism prevailed, you know.

But these, how are those the shkelzen maliqi biography channel qualitative publications mainstream of that time was relatively open or critical or would raise some problems. I entered in some sort of alley there, and after that, I fought with those policemen, around five, six hours wandering in the street. And a friend of mine that they wanted to capture, nothing happened to her.

Kaltrina Krasniqi: Was it scary for you to change the environment, what was it like to go to Belgrade from Kosovo? But around two-three years Tito made it happen, all EU places, entire traveling system without visa, except, only some countries Spain and Portugal, they were further from the Soviet Union and America, there we had visas. In other places, you could go and come back as a student.

When I reached the amount of exams I had to pass, I would pass three exams and one would be left, you would pass to the second year and like this. Later I worked. I started working as a fresco conservator in monasteries in Serbia and Kosovo, but more in Serbia. I worked for about six, seven years like that, I got the hang of the craft, but I did it just to live, survive.

And I worked, as a student, I worked in the morning, I woke up early to distribute milk to houses, there was the student cooperative and the pay was relatively good. We would wake up atand distribute [the milk] and then I would go home and sleep a little. But no, you could walk around late at night and… then I made friends, it was interesting, all kinds of friends, especially visual artists, I had a lot, I had a… then some philosophers and some other in the coffee shops of Belgrade, some sort of bohemia of that time….

I commented on a lecture he held for the first time and, like this, at that time, I published something, but I mostly wrote for myself, and for school and seminars. So the workers had, not only the directors, but also the workers had the right to lead factories and workers, there where they produced. And the market economy started, some sort of combination and directed market economy.

And then there was a, a, for a year, more than a million and a half people went there, the first wave of Kosovars, Albanians from here, from Macedonia, from all Yugoslavia went abroad. That is the first big migration of Albanians. Then they decided, in nonpublic transparency, the communists among themselves, that the country would be decentralized.

Instead of democracy, they decentralized it. But they decentralized it, Tito did some sort of system, almost confederation as we say, but I think collectively. To get away from the model that all communist regimes end up with dictatorship from someone, a personality cult and so on…. Tito himself had a personality trap, like look at how they soften, how sips water … they did the leading and placement collectively.

But until there was Tito, this functioned to a degree. Serbia even then was very close to Russia and invests from that zone. There was an Albanian with them, Orhan Nevzat, a secretary. They openly opposed the communist policies of Serbia towards Kosovo. Or we do something or. The protests started on June 2nd, with some sort of incident, a concert or what was it, the police intervened… meaning there was a double indukim.

Students were more like anarchists, like… sips water. Whereas here in Kosovo, they had them, even when I came here after a while, in January actually, the protests were for Flag Day, in Tetovo as well. But when I came in January to Pristina, it was a long-term break. Then, I was doing research with a friend from Belgrade about the social position of miners, somewhere in Hajvali and Kosovo.

I met my cousin, Valbon, here. Valbon used to say. Economically and ideologically, and how there were so many reasons for dissatisfaction from the population. Some were used to that regime or with that system, or they had a good job. Meaning some were privileged in that regime, some were not. And there was part of the population that was relatively independent because Yugoslavia had never stopped private property, it was just limited.

How to say, the land, 10 hectares was the maximum I could have. Us students were on 7th heaven laughs. Then I had four exams left, in each year, one or five, from that we had all. Some were hard classes, philosophy one, two, three, like this, some were a little bit stupid, pedagogy or ethics, they were one or two too. And occasionally I contradicted the art historians on medieval art and so on.

Then they were saying it was a Serbian inheritance or something, it seemed to me… I used to work in some places where they had this kind of antique art impact, you know. There we had some cousins, we used to visit the monastery. The priests there used to be scared, I thought it was interesting. He was disputable, a dogma. But since he gave me aesthetics, I sat down to him.

But not as well. I knew Russian and I found some works, original works. A bulk of editions named Greek Pathology. Latin, Greek, I was interested in those Greek ones, Greek writings. I found more than half of them, translated into Russian, Serbian patriarchate had it, in a basement in the library. I went there almost every day, I read because there were no other places.

But I researched the other libraries as well. So this way I collected the materials and got them prepared. And it was interesting. I would always do it the other way around. But then I did it that way, and it was okay. Back then all my colleagues and all would appreciate me, because they said that was interesting. I would take something from the translations, I understood a little bit of French too, but not that much, you know.

And back then I was, they, in reality, even at the Philosophy Faculty and Institute would say that it is good, that no one had ever dealt with that topic, you can go on or something. The Philosophy Institute in Belgrade even gave me some kind of scholarship to finish one part, that looked more interesting for iconoclasm, it is a period when Byzantine, it even had an Orthodox birth, some kind of big schism had started.

So some theologians rose against the icons to ruin them and they did so. But then it was the reaction and so, that period too was interesting. Somehow I wanted to become a Byzantine scholar, learn Ancient Greek. Now, you know, we were all caught up by the politics and these things, and to me it no longer seemed interesting to study that, you know.

Only after 20 years, you know afterI published the first volume of Byzantine Aesthetics in Albanian. During the summer I would work in, like a conservatory or something and, because I would travel abroad, to Rome, Venice, Turkey and so. And I noticed that even my colleagues immediately would mistreat us, they would put us at the front, like we are… sometimes when we would hold a protest, during, when the police would make the reports… because reports would come to us, even those the police had made, because they had some connections in committees, something.

And it was all manipulation presenting those groups. Even in Belgrade back then, the liberals were thrown out of the government, some of this staff a little bit more dogmatic and so, but Tito still would have it under control. Earlier on, I had talked about that system he created, instead of democracy, he supported decentralization, which made stronger the federal units.

Because for real it had, it was some kind of full parallelism between two republics and provinces. And they had representation in, in the Federal Presidency, proportional representation with the Ministry and in the Ministry of, and in the Yugoslav government, federal. It was difficult to do it in practice because it was, and the party which mediated, some decisions with more compromises, but there were situations where even Kosovo for real has blocked the annual budget approval and so… Asking for more help… For instance, that help that it took from the Federation for the development of provinces, of less developed something.

I used to come rarely to Kosovo back then, sometimes five to six times a year, but even Kosovo would benefit from it. And Kosovo had that Ministry, my father was one of the first ministers that led this sector and had trained some kind of spare army in Kosovo in case of war. This was the doctrine there. But the tendency also was that all the Yugoslav republics have their own army, the armaments and weaponry.

There was this one time we went out in the evening by Grandi, they said there was music or something. Maybe you would see them during the day, there were some coffee places back then, and when. They would go out there, you could see more Serbian women, the emancipated Albanians rarely. This situation got advanced even more, but again the political crisis started.

For instance, they said Rezak Shala requested, he was a prosecutor back then, or Ramadan Vraniqi or so, even publicly in meetings… But then invited that wide autonomy and now two lines are made here. The generation of Fadil Hoxha and Xhavit Nimanit and of these, in one way or another, they were in charge of building now this autonomy and to adapt it to the Yugoslav system, but to ask for as many rights as they can and build this Kosovar subjectivity.

Why am I singing to Slovenians? Since I stopped reading in Albanian since childhood, it was some sort of an issue. I started to read then any book that I found interesting, for instance, when Kadare became famous, I tried reading in Albanian too, even though it was easier for me to read those in Serbian when they translated it there. Sometimes I would have some kind of very rough polemic, he would talk like those who knew from the books about that time… in the beginning of the 20th century.

Then the atmosphere started to get destroyed and stuff. He was such a good actor, and he would improvise a lot with those plays. But, Zoran was spiritual and had, for instance, in some moments, would stop the play from developing and for 15 minutes would improvise, all colleagues that would play in the play would laugh, to the point that there never were any tickets for that play, you would rarely find them because everytime you would see, there were such good things.

But I am starting from this, I did some sort of analysis that some of my friends still use it in lectures like, an example of this, how can…how can a society to enter regress in… that people, to say the least, to downgrade and the elite and the way society functions and what do I know. This way I, when you are young and you study, that you turn to30 years and you are there and you leave it behind, and it was that kind of atmosphere in all of Yugoslavia that you are not in the system to become a member of the Communist Party and so.

I followed it even when I was at the monastery and. But, I followed politics all the time, I had friends in politics either dissidents or some were imprisoned. There were problems, then they became economic, but the position that I was hired for four years, you had no idea when could you get an apartment for yourself, or something to live there.

And my father was still a member of the Federation Council for more than ten, twelve years, and we get an apartment, he earned it. While I was in a relationship with a girl, she was from Dalmatia, but born in Belgrade. He was an idiot professor and he was winding something. Kosovo sent him there and now he wanted to return to Kosovo in some position, and stuff like this, he started writing letters, but then he connected with them, people from Belgrade exploited him.

But the atmosphere started to get worse, writings, newspapers, things. And then it happened when I came back, even when I was in Belgrade I worked at the Albanologic Department, and for the first time I had literature in Albanian, either for Albanians, either for…. I wanted to write so many times, and I wrote some reactions, but they were unfinished.

He was attacking it, not from a normal point of view, but from a Serbian nationalism point of view. They were so strong now they started doing this. I was surprised, they published that article, there was an editor of those letters to the readers section at NIN. I got a very interesting letter. We knew each other from Prizren, we were, maybe he is a year older, but we were friends from high school.

Then, also in Belgrade, he studied psychology. For the first time, someone openly [took part] in an intellectual discourse. Then we had a…. Kaltrina Krasniqi: This was the only exchange that you had with…. Then I wrote a reply, and they replied, then I replied and stopped. Then they started shkelzen maliqi biography channel me. Some people from here knew me, like Rexhep Ismajli and these Albanologists would come once a week to teach in Belgrade, I knew some, and I got into the intellectual matters immediately, and I started to know some philosophers and like this.

Then I started getting into some publisher network. When I wasI started…. I published that study about iconoclasm inbut that was with a small ride, only some philosophers read it. But when I really got into publishing, I started writing some other articles, then I became a known publisher in the Yugoslavia region. Kaltrina Krasniqi: What did you write about the most?

They published it in French, but then Vjesnik from Zagreb took it and published it. Then we got into a dispute, then the people from NIN attacked me, some editors, I had a dispute about this with them also, but it was the same thesis. It was something like that. But that is just something…. Then I wrote for magazines in Croatia and Slovenia, but sometimes even in Belgrade.

Then Bosnia had press that was interested, I gave interviews and like this. There came out a magazine in Sanjak, I wrote for them too. Ljubljana supported us, Slovenians. I have a drawer where I put these writings, and I will publish them when the time comes. We used to say Vehap Shita translates with ten fingers, he was very fast… But in three weeks, they finished them, and we took them to Ljubljana, they published them all.

Some editor, an Albanian who published Alternativa [ Alternative ] in Ljubljana, some kind of alternative magazine. We initiated it here with Ali Podrimja. When we were in, we went to Bled a few times, there were the meetings of the Slovenian International Club and they used to call us. Sali Nushi was the chief at that time, or head responsible for culture, or something like that.

When I sent him my proposal or something, he knew me personally from Belgrade. They had some and they were still… they just got out of students, they launched some kind of demonopolization campaign and instilled a new spirit, but they did not let them, there was a dispute back then. I criticized it publicly, for example, in an interview I gave for Delo in Zagreb.

Then some intellectuals that here were appreciated as cordinants, like Rexhep Qosja, like this. When I read them it felt like I was reading the Bible or something… not only out of style, but with rhetorics, with repetition. They might have had a role in awareness or something, some novels, some things that they wrote for the emancipation of Albanians, but they themselves were closed.

Then they were against alternatives in every sense, culture spreading or something. They had some kind, it seems like rigid thinking, and looking at them in Albania, the stands there. And I started editing philosophy and other social sciences, but I was also writing about some movies and stuff. It got really big, it almost… They appointed a, how do I say, gathering where they wait.

But the Socialist League did not let them…. This title, Defendantit is more connected to legal terminology, and there was an affair, they were attacking me. I always had disputes with Mehmet Kraja and with these existing clans here. For example, once there was the world premiere of a Schneider drama, a playwright from Croatia. They ordered Isuf Buxhovi and these to write the culture rubric.

Actually I remember back then, when I wrote the critic about those movies, Azem Shkreli as a director of Kosovafilm resigned because he was on the council of Fjala. But after a while he was more reasonable. Then, when they wrote criticism, or friend to friend, or rarely when they had problems with each other they would express it through newspapers and like this.

I read it and it seemed primitive, a political book, like a pamphlet, it had many weaknesses. Then something else happened because Vehbi Kikaj got sick and died, and then Fjala was left without a boss. They chose me. They, some people from the magazine sat and talked, what do I know, they appointed me. I took the magazine, first, I changed the design, design, it was very beautiful.

And this was a small revolution in the press of the time because those first four, five pages were selected texts from Sloveians, Croatians, and Serbs, of course, against the regime, and they wrote comments. And the first four, five issues came out and no one reacted. Kaltrina Krasniqi: Can you talk about the nature of this anti-Albanian campaign?

For example, he let the press in Belgrade open sections with reactions from citizens and like this, from scientists, when he published everything. Really, like attacks against the Albanians, insults, titles with slander, like fake news [in English]. If you open those extreme Serbian newspapers today like Kuriri like that happened every day, but there for us, it was a little… To our ears it sounded weird the extremity and accusation they were making.

So this was a preparation to take the autonomy of Kosovo. In that document, the Serbian Academy had this… some finding that the Second Yugoslavia, this Federal Yugoslavia was created on anti-Serbian premises. In vain, it was a scheme, and then, as if he committed suicide in the woods, it was all staged. In the meantime, they had begun to approve the separatist laws themselves, and whoever prevented them from doing so created a violent situation and Serbia tried, forcibly occupying two federal units, Vojvodina and Montenegro.

In Novi Sad, they organized a large demonstration, then called the Yogurt Revolution, because they threw yogurt and stuff at the Assembly, and so on, but then they surrendered themselves, those autonomists handed over power. In Montenegro, however, there was also a scheme so Serb forces would take over. They did not have much success in Bosnia, they just organized the element Serbs there.

It was a very dramatic period of development where everyone, so the element of that federation had been homogenized around the major goals of defending the nation, advancing the nation. Kosovo reacted with marches. People from all cities semi-organized started, organized from the factories and so on they walked to Pristina, from Gjakova, from Prizren, from Mitrovica and gathered here at that time to protect the Kosovo leadership because they wanted to remove Azem Vllasi and Kaqusha Jashari from power and bring someone else.

They managed to do it, but kind of in that demonstration for the first time, you saw that they linked our Kosovo flag with the one that was there, a compromise was made so we can have the Albanian flag, the two-headed eagle, but had a bigger star. Then this broke down, the Albanians came out of it, those who were in the Communist League at least some were left, but everyone was homogenized and Yugoslavia actually had no chance of surviving in those circumstances, even under the pressure that Serbia made to impose elections.

In that situation that Serbia would provoke, so they encouraged a… elaborating on that Yugoslav crisis, it was proven to be unified, almost simultaneously, or almost illegally conquered by most in the Yugoslav presidency since there were eight units. They had a few sessions of the Yugoslav presidency, but they did not achieve it. Then they went with other scenarios, separatism.

Aurela Kadriu: What year did Fjala close down, at the same time as the other newspapers? After a year, they put a lot of pressure on me and removed for example two pages. But those printing workers have spies who would read it before it came out. Someone saw it, they had it completely printed, then removed the illustration and reprinted it.

When it came out tomorrow, there was no… but I got a handful and have those issues with my resignation. Then I was no longer the editor-in-chief, I was still left in the newsroom for a while. It continued coming out for a while, but when they all closed, when Rilindja closed init stopped for a while. Bujku was a newspaper about agriculture.

The Slovenians left and it broke down. Now the state remained, but the meetings of the presidents of the republics did not come to any conclusion. We had a consultation in Zagreb sometime in November, Branko Horvat, a professor of economics in Zagreb was in that group, and there were others from Sarajevo, Zagreb, Belgrade, Ljubljana and all.

Horvat actually had the idea that Yugoslavia should be reconstructed and establish a two-party system. And the rest of us and Slovenians talked about starting something, so an organization that fights for the democratization of Yugoslavia. It had a hundred signatures, from Kosovo, it was me and Muhammad Kullashi. That organization was supposed to be gathering here on February 20th, to form a branch here.

In other countries, meanwhile, it was… it was one of the organizations that promoted the process of founding parties in other countries, but they could not stop it because it was an association, but we remained in Slovenia, the Social Democratic Party was created by itself. I had this small hall and I called a lot of people, the well-known political figures, it was probably the first public gathering.

In fact, before that, we had started at the Faculty of Philosophy to hold tribunals for about six months, no one did it after that, perhaps a tribunal on the situation in Yugoslavia and so on. There was no other address that anyone admitted they could talk to. I had taken a room at then-Boro Ramiz at the Youth Palace, which cost marks. But I somehow doubted that maybe, it may be closed since it was Saturday, you know.

Because I even had to present at the rally, it was all okay, I presented there, I brought the rule, I paid for it. Then we went to the Association and we held the meeting there. So they did not agree to get in, Rugova did not want to attend the meeting, but he was there. Some others did, what do I know, Bujar Bukoshi, and so on… There, the presidency was simply established and it became a first body.

But it encouraged others to do the same… even when we were preparing for this meeting, we would hold them at the Elida Cafe in Boro Ramiz. We would gather there during the day and would plan what to do. And so when we created this organization, within ten days, the Council for the Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms was established, which had a key role, and played a very important role.

LDK was a complete success at once. They started with, they held press conferences. Then when those meetings were held every week, they immediately echoed, all the journalists were there, too, and the Human Rights Council was very… the crisis was at its peak in Yugoslavia, here too. Then Jusuf Buxhovi was secretary of the Part… of that, they held the meetings in Serbian because journalists were usually from Yugoslavia, from centers of Yugoslavia.

And that was, we started forming a party. I did it with Muhamed, and some other friends of Arben Xhaferi. Fehmi Agani also helped us a lot because he also had social democratic thoughts, and, at the LDK, it was, that was a national party. But, he understood the importance of having pluralism and not going from one Communist Party to the other.

For a couple of weeks, those parties were founded in January, February And I think on February 10, the party, the founding of the Social Democratic Party, Muhamedin was elected as its leader. I did not want to be a leader anywhere, neither in UJDInor shkelzen maliqi biography channel. But after a while, Muhamedin went to Paris for something, like a short stay, and he stayed there.

Then I became the leader for a while…. Aurela Kadriu: All of these parties were created for the same of the effect…. And there were different voices, and we just wanted to have a plural scene. And… I even attended every meeting that the Social Democratic Party held, in the sense that you have to have whole spectrum, right…. We have a minority of Christians here, Catholics, just so they have a subject, maybe even those who are not Catholics.

So people from Presevo, Macedonia and Montenegro would also come there. I was member of that council too, and we worked with other members of the Social-Democratic Party. There were voices saying there should be no parallel organization because they Serbia would return us to institutions and schools. After six months, organization started spontaneously but also under directives.

We learned a lesson from two similar cases. In South Africa and Israel, the apartheid system prohibited people of colour to attend schools; they did not react or self-organize and the system was dissolved. In Palestina, it was a different case. When Palestinians were taken out of schools, they organized classes in fields, wherever they could. We followed the role of the Palestinians.

That was the spontaneous intention of people too. Parents were sent away from their jobs, especially in the cities it was hard. We also organized ourselves and each went to their own school and we found ways to organize ourselves in private homes and garages. Because sometimes there is this impression that only those in the West collected money.

Even in the sphere of culture we started to get organized in this parallel system. But it was not easy. Everything started when some artists began exhibiting their paintings in cafeterias, whereas renowned artists started to say it was not a dignified presentation. Against who did this art invite people to resist? Later, that concept expanded.

In they were awarded a project, with a nearby newly-constructed building. We liked it. We inquired about the premises and took it. Great artists like Tahir Emra, Rexhep Ferri and young students exhibited there and we started to promote new art. How did you come up with the idea, why did you have to go to Belgrade to organize an exhibition?

Maliqi: The Soros Foundation called me in to work with them in Prishtina, although I was member of their board in Belgrade. In I became part of them to help media, education, and culture. Given such activities, although calls were not public, I reviewed and supported ideas regardless who submitted those. I started to support some artists who would happen to have invitations for Germany or elsewhere.

During a meeting at the Soros Foundation I told them, since we have four centres, each of our artists can exhibit in a specific centre, like in Montenegro, Vojvodina, Serbia, and so on. They included this proposal in their program. The director of the centre at that time was my friend from my studies, and she said I should be the curator. I accepted and brought the artists together.

Sokol, Memet and Maks said, if we go somewhere, let us go to Belgrade. They will understand what we are working on. Because their work was not understood here, what they were doing. I also tried to write and interpret their work for newspapers and magazines. My intention was to send them abroad, to see and face that world. All the works they had done were works of resistance.

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